Alexander Hamilton
First Secretary of the TreasurySigner of the Constitution of 1787
This 19th Century engraving was made from the full-length portrait of Alexander Hamilton by John Trumbull, oil on canvas, 1792. |
The Alexander Hamilton Collection
A Show-Stopping Gathering of Highly Important
Original Letters, Documents and Imprints
Original Letters, Documents and Imprints
The Genius, Passions, Foibles and Flaws of our Founding Fathers,
at the New York Antiquarian Book Fair, March 9-12 - Click Here
at the New York Antiquarian Book Fair, March 9-12 -
ALEXANDER HAMILTON was
born a British subject on the island of Nevis in the West Indies on January 11,
1755. His father was James Hamilton, a Scottish merchant of St. Christopher.
Hamilton's mother was Rachael Fawcette Levine, of French Huguenot descent. When
Rachael was very young, she had married a Danish proprietor of St. Croix named
John Michael Levine. Ms. Levine left her husband and was later divorced from him
on June 25, 1759. Under the Danish law which had granted her divorce, she was
forbidden from remarrying. Thus, Hamilton's birth was illegitimate.
Business failures resulted the bankruptcy of his father and with
the death of his mother, Alexander entered the counting house of Nicholas Cruger
and David Beekman, serving as a clerk and apprentice at the age of twelve. By
the age of fifteen, Alexander was left in charge of the business. Opportunities
for regular schooling were very limited. With the aid of funds advanced by
friends, Hamilton studied at a grammar school in Elizabethtown, New Jersey. In
1774, he graduated and entered King's College (now Columbia University) in New
York City and obtained a bachelor's of arts degree in just one year.
Students and Teachers of US History this is a video of Stanley and Christopher Klos presenting America's Four United Republics Curriculum at the University of Pennsylvania's Wharton School. The December 2015 video was an impromptu capture by a member of the audience of Penn students, professors and guests that numbered about 200. - Click Here for more information
The War of Independence had began and at a mass meeting held in
the fields in New York City on July 6, 1774, Hamilton made a sensational speech
attacking British policies. Hamilton's military aspirations flowered with a
series of early accomplishments. On March 14, 1776, he was commissioned captain
of a company of artillery set up by the New York Providential Congress.
Hamilton's company participated at the Battle of Long Island in August of 1776.
At White Plains, in October of 1776, his battery guarded Chatterton's Hill and
protected the withdrawal of William Smallwood's militia. On January 3, 1777,
Hamilton's military reputation won the interest of General Nathaniel Greene.
General Greene introduced the young Captain to General Washington with a
recommendation for advancement. Washington made Hamilton his aide-de-camp and
personal secretary with the rank of Lieutenant Colonel. He served four years as
Washington's personal secretary and confidential aide. Longing for active
military service, he resigned from Washington's staff after a dispute with the
general, but remained in the army. At the Battle of Monmouth (June 28, 1778),
Hamilton again proved his bravery and leadership and he also won laurels at
Yorktown (Sept. – Oct. 1781), where he led the American column in a final
assault in the British works.
Hamilton married Elizabeth, the daughter of General Philip
Schuyler on December 14, 1780. The Schuylers were one of the most distinguished
families in New York. This connection placed Hamilton in the center of New York
society. In 1782, he was admitted to legal practice in New York and became an
assistant to Robert Morris who was then superintendent of finance.
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Hamilton was elected a member of the Continental Congress in
1782. He at once became a leading proponent of a stronger national government
than what had been provided for by the Articles of Confederation. As a New York
delegate to the Constitutional Convention of 1787, he advocated a national
government that would have virtually abolished the states and even called for a
president for life to provide energetic leadership. Hamilton left the convention
at the end of June, but he did approve the Constitution subsequently drafted by
his colleagues as preferable to the Articles of Confederation, although it was
not as strong as he wished. Hamilton used his talents to secure the adoption of
the Constitution and published a letter in the Constitution's defense. This
letter was published in the New York Independent Journal on Oct. 2, 1787.
Hamilton was one of three authors of The Federalist. This work
remains a classic commentary on American constitutional law and the principals
of government. Its inception and approximately three-quarters of the work are
attributable to Hamilton (the rest belonging to John Jay and James Madison).
Hamilton also won the New York ratification convention vote for the Constitution
against great odds in July 17-July 26, 1788.
During Washington's presidency, Hamilton became the first secretary of the
Treasury. Holding this office from September 11, 1789 to January 31, 1795, he
proved himself a brilliant administrator in organizing the Treasury. In 1790
Hamilton submitted to Congress a report on the public credit that provided for
the funding of national and foreign debts of the United States, as well as for
federal assumption of the states' revolutionary debts. After some controversy,
the proposals were adopted, as were his subsequent reports calling for the
establishment of a national bank. He is chiefly responsible for establishing the
credit of the United States, both at home and abroad. In foreign affairs his
role was almost as influential. He persuaded Washington to adopt a policy of
neutrality after the outbreak of war in Europe in 1793, and in 1794 he wrote the
instructions for the diplomatic mission to London that resulted in the
Anglo-American agreement known as Jay's Treaty. Hamilton also became the
esteemed leader of one of the two great political parties of the time.
After the death of George Washington, the leadership of the
Federalist Party became divided between John Adams and Hamilton. John Adams had
the prestige from his varied and great career and from his great strength with
the people. Conversely, Hamilton controlled practically all of the leaders of
lesser rank and the greater part of the most distinguished men in the country.
Hamilton, by himself, was not a leader for the population. After
Adams became President, Hamilton constantly advised the members of the cabinet
and endeavored to control Adams's policy. On the eve of the presidential
election of 1800, Hamilton wrote a bitter personal attack on the president that
contained confidential cabinet information. Although this pamphlet was intended
for private circulation, the document was secured and published by Aaron Burr,
Hamilton's political and legal rival. Based on his opinion of Burr, Hamilton
deemed it his patriotic duty to thwart Burr's ambitions. Burr forced a quarrel
and subsequently challenged Hamilton to a duel. The duel was fought at Weehawken
on the New Jersey shore of the Hudson River opposite New York City. At
forty-nine, Hamilton was shot, fell mortally wounded, and died the following
day, July 12, 1804. It is unanimously reported that Hamilton himself did not
intend to fire, his pistol going off involuntarily as he fell. Hamilton was
apparently opposed to dueling following the fatal shooting of his son Philip in
a duel in 1801. Further, Hamilton told the minister who attended him as he laid
dying, "I have no ill-will against Col. Burr. I met him with a fixed resolution
to do him no harm. I forgive all that happened." His death was very generally
deplored as a national calamity.
Apart from his contributions to The Federalist and his
reorganization of the United States financial system in the 1790's Hamilton is
best remembered for his consistent emphasis on the need for a strong central
government. His advocacy of the doctrine of "implied powers" to advance a broad
interpretation of the Constitution has been invoked frequently to justify the
extension of federal authority and has greatly influence a number of Supreme
Court decisions.
HAMILTON,
Alexander, statesman, born in the island of Nevis, West Indies, 11
January, 1757; died in New York city, 12 July, 1804. A curious mystery and
uncertainty overhang his birth and parentage, and even the accounts of his son
and biographer vary with and contradict each other. The accepted version is,
that he was the son of James Hamilton, a Scottish merchant, and his wife, a
French lady named Faucette, the divorced wife of a Dane named Lavine. According
to another story, his mother was a Miss Lytton, and her sister came subsequently
to this country, where she was watched over and supported by Hamilton and his
wife. A similar doubt is also connected with his paternity, which now cannot be
solved, even were it desirable. His father became bankrupt "at an early day," to
use Hamilton's own words, and the child was thus thrown upon the care of his
mother's relatives. His education seems to have been brief and desultory, and
chiefly due to the Reverend Hugh Knox, a Presbyterian clergyman of Nevis, who
took a great interest in the boy and kept up an affectionate correspondence with
him in after-days when his former pupil was on the way to greatness.
National Collegiate Honor’s Council Partners in the Park Independence Hall Class of 2017 students at Federal Hall National Historic Park with Ranger holding the 1789 Acts of Congress opened to the 12 Amendment Joint Resolution of Congress issued September 25th, 1789. Cintly is holding an Arthur St. Clair signed Northwest Territory document, Imani is holding the First Congress Act establishing the U.S. Department of State and Rachael is holding a 1788 John Jay letter sent to the Governor of Connecticut transmitting a treaty with France. For More information please visit NCHC Partners in the Park 2017 |
In 1777 his old tutor wrote to
Hamilton that he must be the annalist and biographer, as well as the
aide-de-camp, of General Washington, and the historiographer of the American war
of independence. Before Hamilton was thirteen years of age it was apparently
necessary that he should earn his living, and he was therefore placed in the
office of Nicholas Cruger, a West Indian merchant. His precocity was
extraordinary, owing, perhaps in some measure, to his early isolation and
self-dependence, and at an age when most boys are thinking of marbles and hockey
he was writing to a friend and playmate of his ambition and his plans for the
future. Most boys have day-dreams; but there is a definiteness and precision
about Hamilton's that make them seem more like the reveries of twenty than of
thirteen. Even more remarkable was the business capacity that he displayed at
this time. His business letters, many of which have been preserved, would have
done credit to a trained clerk of any age, and his employer was apparently in
the habit of going away and leaving this mere child in charge of all the affairs
of his counting house. The boy also wrote for the local press, contributing at
one time an account of a severe hurricane that had devastated the islands, which
was so vivid and strong a bit of writing that it attracted general attention.
This literary success, joined
probably to the friendly advocacy of Dr. Knox, led to the conviction that
something ought to be done for a boy who was clearly fitted for a higher
position than a West Indian counting house. Funds were accordingly provided by
undefined relatives and more distinct friends, and thus equipped, Hamilton
sailed for Boston, Massachusetts, where he arrived in October, 1772, and whence
he proceeded to New York. Furnished by Dr. Knox with good letters, he speedily
found friends and counselors, and by their advice went to a school in
Elizabethtown, New Jersey, where he studied with energy to prepare for college,
and employed his pen in much writing, of both prose and poetry. He entered
King's college, New York now Columbia, and there with the aid of a tutor made
remarkable progress. While he was thus engaged, our difficulties with England
were rapidly ripening. Hamilton's natural inclinations were then, as always,
toward the side of order and established government, but a visit to Boston in
the spring of 1774, and a close examination of the questions in dispute,
convinced him of the justice of the cause of the colonies. His opportunity soon
came. A great meeting was held in the fields, 6 July, 1774, to force the lagging
Tory assembly of New York into line. Hamilton was among the crowd, and as he
listened he became more and more impressed, not by what was said, but by what
the speakers omitted to say. Pushing his way to the front, he mounted the
platform, and while the crowd cried "A
collegian! A collegian!" this
stripling of seventeen began to pour out an eloquent and fervid speech in behalf
of colonial rights.
AlexanderHamilton.org Salutes
Hamilton: An American Musical
Once engaged, Hamilton threw
himself into the struggle with all the intense energy of his nature. He left the
platform to take up the pen, and his two pamphlets--"A Full Vindication" and "The
Farmer Refuted" --attracted
immediate and general attention. Indeed, these productions were so remarkable,
at a time when controversial writings of great ability abounded, that they were
generally attributed to Jay and other well-known patriots. The discovery of
their authorship raised Hamilton to the position of a leader in New York. Events
now moved rapidly, the war for which he had sighed in his first boyish letter
came, and he of course was quick to take part in it.
Early in 1776 he was given the
command of a company of artillery by the New York convention, and by his skill
in organization, and his talent for command, he soon had a body of men that
furnished a model of appearance and discipline at a time when those qualities
were as uncommon as they were needful. At Long Island and at White Plains the
company distinguished itself, and the gallantry of the commander, as well as the
appearance of the men, which had already attracted the notice of General
Greene, led to an offer from Washington of a place on his staff.
This offer
Hamilton accepted, and thus began the long and intimate connection with
Washington which suffered but one momentary interruption. Hamilton filled an
important place on Washington's
staff, and his ready pen made him
almost indispensable to the commander-in-chief. Beside his immediate duties, the
most important task that fell to him was when he was sent to obtain troops front
General Gates, after
the Burgoyne
campaign. This was a difficult and delicate business; but Hamilton conducted
it with success, and, by a wise admixture of firmness and tact, carried his
point. He also took such part as was possible for a staff officer in all the
battles fought by Washington, and in the Andre affair he was brought into close
contact both with Andre and Mrs. Arnold, of whom he has left a most pathetic and
picturesque description.
On 16 February, 1781, Hamilton took
hasty offence at a reproof given him by Washington, and resigned from the staff,
but he remained in the army, and at Yorktown commanded a storming party, which
took one of the British redoubts. This dashing exploit practically closed
Hamilton's military service in the Revolution, which had been highly creditable
to him both as a staff and field officer. In the midst of his duties as a
soldier, however, Hamilton had found time for much else. On his mission to Gates
he met at Albany Miss Elizabeth Schuyler, whom he married on 14 December, 1780,
and so became connected with a rich and powerful New York family, which was of
marked advantage to him in many ways. During the Revolution, too, Hamilton had found
leisure to study finance and government. On April 30th, 1781, Hamilton effectively entered the political world of finance by writing USCA Superintendent of Finance Robert Morris a 30-page letter proclaiming that he agreed with every one of his ideas about protectionist tariffs, corporate subsidies, and a United States government-run bank to finance them. His letters on these topics to Robert
Morris and James Duane displayed a
remarkable grasp of finance and he agreed with their plans to amend the
confederation, establish a national bank.
His letters on the bank, impressed Morris and when Hamilton left the army Morris offered him the place of
continental receiver of taxes for New York, which he at once accepted. At the
same time he was admitted to the bar, and he threw himself into the work of his
profession and of his office with his wonted zeal. The exclusion of the Tories from
the practice of the law gave a fine opening to their young rivals on the patriot
side; but the business of collecting taxes was a thankless task, which only
served to bring home to Hamilton more than ever the fatal defects of the
confederation. From these uncongenial labors he was relieved by an election to
congress, where he took his seat in November, 1782. The most important business
then before congress was the ratification of peace; but the radical difficulties
of the situation arose from the shattered finances and from the helplessness and
imbecility of the confederation. Hamilton flung himself into these troubles with
the enthusiasm of youth and genius.
It was during his tenure in Congress that Hamilton fell into the league of Robert Morris and his fellow Nationalist Oligarchy that wanted a powerful United States chief executive who would rule over a capitalistic empire, just as the King of England ruled over his mercantile empire. Hamilton's genius was quickly seized by Robert Morris and the young protégé commenced his seven-year crusade to replace the Articles of Confederation with a strong central government led by an executive officer. The November 1782 Preliminary Treaty of Paris had heaped heavy financial burdens on the Articles of Confederation Congress with its restitution terms benefiting Tories and mercantile interests that supported the British cause. The USCA found itself in heap of Revolutionary War debt with no means to raise funds through taxes or federal land sales. Things became so desperate that on June 21st, 1783, Revolutionary War U.S. troops in Lancaster grew desperate to receive long overdue back pay. They mutinied and marched to Philadelphia with some 300 under arms from that city’s barracks joining them as they surrounded Independence Hall where the both the Pennsylvania Executive Council and the USCA were in separate sessions. The mutineers demands were made in very dictatorial tones to Congress and the President Boudinot that “…unless their demand were complied with in twenty minutes, they would let in upon them the injured soldiery, the consequences of which they were to abide.”
President Boudinot sought the council of Delegate Alexnader Hamilton, who still retained his rank as Lt. Colonel in the U.S. Army. Since seat of government was not under any federal jurisdiction, it was decided that Congress would first seek the help of the Pennsylvania Assembly, also in session, in Independence Hall. The President requested they call out the Pennsylvania Militia but that body refused believing the state soldiers would only join the mutineers escalating the hostage crisis. Word was then sent to ranking Major General in Pennsylvania, Arthur St. Clair:
The mutinous soldiers presented themselves, drawn up in the street before the State House, where Congress had assembled. The executive Council of the State sitting under the same roof, was called on for the proper interposition. President Dickinson came in, and explained the difficulty under actual circumstances, of bringing out the militia of the place for the suppression of the mutiny. He thought that without some outrages on persons or property, the temper of the militia could not be relied on. Genl St. Clair then in Philadelphia was sent for, and desired to use his interposition, in order to prevail on the troops to return to the Barracks. His report gave no encouragement.In this posture of things, it was proposed by Mr. Izard that Congress, should adjourn. It was proposed by Mr. Hamilton, that General St. Clair in concert with the Executive Council of the State should take order for terminating the mutiny. Mr. Reed moved that the General should endeavor to withdraw the troops by assuring them of the disposition of Congress to do them justice. … In the meantime the Soldiers remained in their position, without offering any violence, individuals only occasionally uttering offensive words and wantonly pointed their Muskets to the Windows of the Hall of Congress. No danger from premeditated violence was apprehended, but it was observed that spirituous drink from the tippling houses adjoining began to be liberally served out to the Soldiers, & might lead to hasty excesses.
Major General St. Clair, along with Delegate Alexander Hamilton went out amongst the mutineers and listened to their grievances and demands that were relayed to President Boudinot. Congress refused to negotiate and ordered the General to march the soldiers to back to their barracks. Congress adjourned and proceeded out of Independence Hall led by Major General Arthur St. Clair and Alexander Hamilton while “Soldiers, though in some instances offering a mock obstruction, permitted the members to pass through their ranks.”
A committee, with Alexander Hamilton as chairman, waited on the State Executive Council to insure the Government of the United States protection in Philadelphia so Congress could convene the following day. Elias Boudinot, however, received no pledge of protection by the Pennsylvania militia and ordered an adjournment of the USCA on June 24th to Princeton, New Jersey. This was the last time the Confederation Congress would convene in Pennsylvania.
The President issued and released this Proclamation to the Philadelphia newspapers explaining the USCA’s move to Princeton:
Elias Boudinot signed Presidential Proclamation moving the Seat of Government to Princeton, NJ. -- Imaged courtesy of Historic.us Collection
A Proclamation. Whereas a body of armed soldiers in the service of the United States, and quartered in the barracks of this city, having mutinously renounced their obedience to their officers, did, on Saturday this instant, proceed under the direction of their sergeants, in a hostile and threatening manner to the place in which Congress were assembled, and did surround the same with guards: and whereas Congress, inconsequence thereof, did on the same day resolve, " That the president and supreme executive council of this state should be informed, that the authority of the United States having been, that day, grossly insulted by the disorderly and menacing appearance of a body of armed soldiers, about the place within which Congress were assembled; and that the peace of this city being endangered by the mutinous disposition of the said troops then in the barracks, it was, in the opinion of Congress, necessary, that effectual measures should be immediately taken for supporting the public authority: and also, whereas Congress did at the same time appoint a committee to confer with the said president and supreme executive council on the practicability of carrying the said resolution into due effect; and also whereas the said committee have reported to me, that they have not received satisfactory assurances for expecting adequate and prompt exertions of this state for supporting the dignity of the federal government ; and also whereas the said soldiers still continue in a state off open mutiny and revolt, so that the dignity and authority of the United States would be constantly exposed to a repetition of insult, while Congress shall continue to fit in this city; I do therefore, by and with the advice of the said Committee, and according to the powers and authorities in me vested for this purpose, hereby summon the Honorable the Delegates composing the Congress of the United States, and every of them, to meet in Congress on Thursday the 26th of June instant, at Princetown, in the state of New Jersey, in order that further and more effectual measures may be taken for suppressing the present revolt, and maintaining the dignity and authority of the United States; of which all officers of the United States, civil and military, and all others whom it may concern, are desired to take notice and govern themselves accordingly.President Boudinot chose Princeton for the seat of government because he was a former resident, a Trustee of the College of New Jersey, and his wife was from a prominent Princeton Stockton family. Additionally, Princeton was located approximately midway between New York and Philadelphia and the College of New Jersey had a building large enough in which the USCA could assemble. The College of New Jersey's Nassau Hall would serve as the U.S. Seat of Government from July 3, 1783 to November 4, 1783. It was here Alexander Hamilton would be promoted to Colonel for his services during the Revolutionary War and role in putting down the mutiny.
Alexander Hamilton's Military Commission promoting him to Colonel, which is signed by USCA President Elias Boudinot and dated Princeton, October 28, 1783. |
The case was hopeless. He
extended his reputation for statesmanlike ability and brilliant eloquence, but
effected nothing, and withdrew to the practice of his profession in 1783, more
than ever convinced that the worthless fabric of the confederation must be swept
away, and something better and stronger put in its place. This great object was
never absent from his mind, and as he rapidly rose at the bar he watched with a
keen eye the course of public affairs, and awaited an opening. Matters went
rapidly from bad to worse. The states were bankrupt, and disintegration
threatened them. Internecine commercial regulations destroyed prosperity, and
riot and insurrection menaced society. At last Virginia, in January, 1786,
proposed a convention at Annapolis, Maryland, to endeavor to make some common
commercial regulations.
Hamilton's opportunity had come,
and, slender as it was, he seized it with a firm grasp. He secured the election
of delegates from New York, and in company with Egbert Benson betook himself to
Annapolis in September, 1786. After the fashion of the time, only five states
responded to the call; but the meager gathering at least furnished a
stepping-stone to better things. The convention agreed upon an address, which
was drawn by Hamilton, and toned down to suit the susceptibilities of Edmund
Randolph. This address set forth
the evil condition of public affairs, and called a new convention, with enlarged
powers, to meet in Philadelphia, 2 May, 1787. This done, the next business was
to make the coming convention a success, and Hamilton returned to New York to
devote himself to that object. He obtained an election to the legislature, and
there fought the hopeless battles of the general government against the Clintonian
forces, and made himself felt in all the legislation of the year; but he
never lost sight of his main purpose, the appointment of delegates to
Philadelphia. This he finally accomplished, and was chosen with two leaders of
the opposition, Yates and Lansing, to represent New York in the coming
convention. Hamilton's own position despite his victory in obtaining delegates
was trying; for in the convention the vote of the state, on every question, was
east against him by his colleagues. He, however, did the best that was possible.
At an early day, when a relaxing
and feeble tendency appeared in the convention, he introduced his own scheme of
government, and supported it in a speech of five hours, His plan was much higher
in tone, and much stronger, than any other, since it called for a president and
senators for life, and for the appointment of the governors of states by the
national executive. It aimed, in fact, at the formation of an aristocratic
instead of a Democratic republic. Such a scheme had no chance of adoption, and
of course Hamilton was well aware of this, but it served its purpose by clearing
the atmosphere and giving the convention a more vigorous tone. After delivering
his speech, Hamilton withdrew from the convention, where his colleagues rendered
him hopelessly inactive, and only returned toward the end to take part in the
closing debates, and to affix his name to the constitution.
It was when the labors of the
convention were completed and laid before the people that Hamilton's great work
for the constitution really began. He conceived and started "The
Federalist," and wrote most
of those famous essays which riveted the attention of the country, furnished the
weapons of argument and exposition to those who "thought
continentally" in all the states,
and did more than any thing else toward the adoption of the constitution. In
almost all the states the popular majority was adverse to the constitution, and
in the New York ratifying convention the vote stood at the outset two to one
against adoption. In a brilliant contest, Hamilton, by arguments rarely equaled
in the history of debate, either in form or eloquence, by skilful management,
and by wise delay, finally succeeded in converting enough votes, and carried
ratification triumphantly. It was a great victory, and in the Federal procession
in New York the Federal ship bore the name of "Hamilton." From
the convention the struggle was transferred to the polls. George
Clinton was strong enough to
prevent the choice of senators, but at the election he only retained his own
office by a narrow majority; his power was broken, and the Federalists elected
four of the six representatives in congress. In this fight Hamilton led, and
when the choice of senators was finally made he insisted, in his imperious
fashion, on the choice of Rufus
King and General
Schuyler, thus ignoring the Livingstons,
a political blunder that soon cost the Federalists control of the state of New
York.
In April, 1789, Washington was
inaugurated, and when the treasury department was at, last organized, in
September, he at once placed Hamilton at the head of it. In the five years that
ensued Hamilton did the work that lies at the foundation of our system of
administration, gave life and meaning to the constitution, and by his policy
developed two great political parties. To give in any detail an account of what
he did would be little less than to write the history of the republic during
those eventful years. On 14 January, 1790, he sent to congress the first "Report
on the Public Credit," which is
one of the great state papers of our history, and which marks the beginning and
foundation of our government. In that wonderful document, and with a master's
hand, he reduced our confused finances to order, provided for a funding system
and for taxes to meet it, and displayed a plan for the assumption of the state
debts. The financial policy thus set forth was put into execution, and by it our
credit was redeemed, our union cemented, and our business and commercial
prosperity restored. Yet outside of this great work and within one year Hamilton
was asked to report, and did report fully, on the raising and collection of the
revenue, and on a scheme for revenue cutters; as to estimates of income and
expenditure; as to the temporary regulation of the currency; as to
navigation-laws and the coasting trade; as to the post office; as to the
purchase of West Point; as to the management of the public lands, and upon a
great mass of claims, public and private. Rapidly, effectively, and successfully
were all these varied matters dealt with and settled, and then in the succeeding
years came from the treasury a report on the establishment of a mint, with an
able discussion of Coins and coinage; a report on a national bank, followed by a
great legal argument in the cabinet, which evoked the implied powers of the
constitution; a report on manufactures, which discussed with profound ability
the problems of political economy and formed the basis of the protective policy
of the United States; a plan for an excise; numerous schemes for improved
taxation; and finally a last great report on the public credit, setting forth
the best methods for managing the revenue and for the speedy extinction of the
debt. In the midst of these labors Hamilton was assailed in congress by his
enemies, who were stimulated by Jefferson,
led by James
Madison and William B. Giles, and
in an incredibly short time, in a series of reports on loans, he laid bare every
operation of the treasury for three years, and thereafter could not get his
foes, even by renewed invitations, to investigate him further.
Outside of his own department,
Hamilton was hardly less active, and in the difficult and troubled times brought
on by the French revolution he took a leading part in the determination of our
foreign policy, he believed in a strict neutrality, and had no lemming to
France. He sustained the neutrality proclamation in the cabinet, and defended it
in the press under the signature of "Pacificus." He
strenuously supported Washington in his course toward France, and constantly
urged more vigorous measures toward Edmond Charles Genet (q. v.) than the
cabinet as a whole would adopt. During this period, too, his quarrel with
Jefferson, which really typified the growth of two great political parties, came
to a head. Jefferson sustained and abetted Freneau in his attacks upon the
administration and the financial policy, and upon the secretary of the treasury
most especially. Hamilton, too, forgetful of the dignity of his office, took up
his pen and in a series of letters to the newspapers lashed Jefferson until he
writhed beneath the blows. At last Washington interfered, and a peace was
patched up between the warring secretaries; but the relation was too strained to
endure, and Jefferson soon resigned and retired to Virginia. Hamilton was
contemplating a similar step, but postponed taking it because he wished to
complete certain financial arrangements, and he also felt unwilling to leave his
office until the troubles arising in Pennsylvania from the excise were settled.
These disturbances culminated in open riot and insurrection; but Washington and
Hamilton were fully prepared to deal with the emergency. A vigorous proclamation
was issued, an overwhelming force, which Hamilton accompanied, was marched into
the insurgent counties, and the so-called rebellion faded away.
Hamilton now felt free to withdraw
from the cabinet, a step that he was compelled to take from a lack of resources
sufficient to support a growing family, and he accordingly gave notice to the President of his intention to resign in late January only to request, on January 30th to delay his resignation writing:
On Saturday January 31st, 1795, Alexander Hamilton resigned as the first Secretary of the Treasury with this letter:
Treasury DepartmentJanuary 31, 1795SirAgreeably to the intimation heretofore given. I have the honor now to tender you my resignation of the office of Secretary of the Treasury and to be With sincere respect and affectionate attachment Sir Your most Obedient & humble servant, Alexander Hamilton
His neglected legal practice at once revived, and he soon stood at the
head of the New York bar. But even his incessant professional duties could not
keep him from public affairs. The Jay
negotiation, which he had done much to set on foot, came to an end, mid the
treaty that resulted from it produced a fierce outburst of popular rage, which
threatened to overwhelm Washington himself. Hamilton defended the treaty with
voice and pen, writing a famous series of essays signed "Camillus," which had a
powerful influence in changing public opinion. He was also consulted constantly
by Washington, almost as much as if he had continued in the cabinet, and he
furnished drafts and suggestions for messages and speeches, besides taking a
large share in the preparation of the "Farewell
Address."
Hamilton not only corresponded with
and advised the president, but maintained the same relation with the members of
the cabinet, and this fact was one fruitful source of the dissensions that arose
in the Federalist party after the retirement of Washington. Hamilton supported John
Adams loyally, if not very
cordially, at the election of 1796, and intended to give him an equally loyal
support when he assumed office, but the situation was an impossible one. Adams
was the leader of the party de jure, Hamilton de facto, and at least three
members of the cabinet looked from the first beyond their nominal and official
chief to their real chief in New York. If Adams had possessed political tact, he
might have managed Hamilton; but he neither could nor would attempt it, and
Hamilton, on his side, was equally imperious and equally determined to have his
own way. The two leaders agreed as to the special commission to France, and the
commission went. They agreed as to the attitude to be assumed after the exposure
of the "X. Y. Z." correspondence,
and all went well. But, when it came to the provisional army, Adams's jealousy
led him to resist Hamilton's appointment to the command, and a serious breach
ensued.
The influence of Washington
prevailed, however, and Hamilton was given the post of inspector-general. For
two years he was absorbed in the military duties thus imposed upon him, and his
genius for organization comes out strongly in his correspondence relating to the
formation, distribution, and discipline of the army. In the mean time the
affairs of the party went from bad to worse. Mr. Adams reopened negotiations
with France, which disgusted the war Federalists, and then expelled Timothy
Pickering and James McHenry from
the cabinet, 12 May, 1800. He also gave loud utterance to his hatred of
Hamilton, which speedily reached the latter's ears, and the Federalist party
found themselves face to face with an election and torn by bitter quarrels. The
Federalists were beaten by their opponents under the leadership of Burr in
the New York elections, mid Hamilton, smarting from defeat, proposed to Jay to
call together the old legislature and refer the choice of electors to the people
in districts. The proposition was wrong and desperate, and wholly unworthy of
Hamilton, who seems to have been beside himself at the prospect of his party's
impending ruin and the consequent triumph of Jefferson. He also made the fatal
mistake of openly attacking Adams, and the famous pamphlet that he wrote against
the president, after depicting Adams as wholly unfit for his high trust, lamely
concluded by advising all the Federalists to vote for him. Such proceedings
could have but one result, and the Federalists were beaten. The victors,
however, were left in serious difficulties, for Burr and Jefferson received an
equal number of votes, and the election was thrown into the house of
representatives. The Federalists, eager for revenge on Jefferson, began to turn
to Burr, and now Hamilton, recovered from his lit, of anger, threw himself into
the breach, and, using all his great influence, was chiefly instrumental in
securing the election of Jefferson, thereby fulfilling the popular will and
excluding Burr, a great and high-minded service, which was a fit close to his
public life.
After the election of Jefferson,
Hamilton resumed the practice of his profession, and withdrew more and more into
private life. But he could not separate himself entirely from politics, and
continued to write upon them, and strove to influence and strengthen his party.
As time wore on, and the breach widened between Jefferson and Burr, the latter
renewed his intrigues with the Federalists, but through Hamilton's influence was
constantly thwarted, and was finally beaten for the governorship of New York.
Burr then apparently determined to fix a quarrel upon his life-long enemy, which
was no difficult matter, for Hamilton had used the severest language about
Burr--not once, but a hundred times--and it was easy enough to bring it home to
him. Hamilton had no wish to go out with Burr but he was a fighting man, and,
moreover, he was haunted by the belief that democracy was going to culminate in
the horrors of the French revolution, that a strong man would be needed, and
that society would turn to him for salvation -- a work for which he would be
disqualified by the popular prejudice if he declined to fight a duel. He
therefore accepted the challenge, met Burr on 11 July, 1804, on the bank of the
Hudson at Weehawken, and fell mortally wounded at the first fire.
His tragic fate called forth a universal burst of grief, and drove Burr into exile, an outcast and a conspirator. The accompanying illustration represents the tomb that marks his grave in Trinity churchyard, New York. The preceding one, on page 57, is a picture of "The Grange," Hamilton's country residence on the upper part of Manhattan island. The thirteen trees that he planted to symbolize the original states of the Union survive in majestic proportions, and the mansion is still standing on the bluff overlooking the Hudson on one side and Long Island sound on the other, not far from 145th Street.
As time has gone on Hamilton's fame
has grown, and he stands today as the most brilliant statesman we have produced.
His constructive mind and far-reaching intellect are visible in every part of
our system of government, which is the best and noblest monument of his genius.
His writings abound in ideas which there and then found their first expression,
and which he impressed upon our institutions until they have become so
universally accepted and so very commonplace that their origin is forgotten. He
was a brave and good soldier, and might well have been a great one had the
opportunity ever come. He was the first, political writer of his time, with an unrivaled power of statement and a dear, forcible style, which carried
conviction in every line. At the time of his death he was second to no man at
the American bar, and was a master in debate and in oratory. In his family and
among his friends he was deeply beloved and almost blindly followed. His errors
and faults came from his strong, passionate nature, and his masterful will
impatient of resistance or control. Yet these were the very qualities that
carried him forward to his triumphs, and enabled him to perform services to the
American people which can never be forgotten.
Hamilton was the principal author
of the series of essays called the "Federalist," written
in advocacy of a powerful and influential national government, which were
published in a New York journal under the signature of "Publius" in
1787-'8, before the adoption of the Federal constitution. There were eighty-five
papers in all, of which Hamilton wrote fifty-one, James Madison fourteen, John
Jay five, and Madison and Hamilton jointly three, while the authorship of the
remaining twelve have been claimed by both Hamilton and Madison. As secretary of
the treasury, he presented to congress an elaborate report on the public debt in
1789, and one on protective duties on imports in 1791. In the "Gazette
of the United States," under the
signature "An American," he
assailed Jefferson's financial views, while both were members of Washington's
cabinet (1792); under that of "Pacificus," defended
in print the policy of neutrality between France and England (1793); and in a
series of essays, signed "Camillus," sustained
the policy of ratifying Jay's treaty (1795). Other signatures used by him in his
newspaper controversies were "Cato,"
"Lucius Crassus," "Phocion," and "Scipio."
In answer to the charges of
corruption made by Monroe, he published a pamphlet, containing his
correspondence with Monroe on the subject and the supposed incriminating letters
on which the charges were based (1797). His "Observations
on Certain Documents" (Philadelphia,
1797) was republished in New York in 1865. In 1798 he defended in the newspapers
the policy of increasing the army. His "Works," comprising
the"Federalist," his most
important official reports, and other writings, were published in three volumes
(New York, 1810). His "Official
and other Papers," edited by
Francis L. Hawks, appeared in 1842. in 1851 his son, John C., issued a carefully
prepared edition of his "Works," comprising
his correspondence and his political and official writings, civil and military,
in seven volumes. A still larger collection of his "Complete
Works,"including the "Federalist," his
private correspondence, and many hitherto unpublished documents, was edited,
with an introduction and notes, by Henry Cabot Lodge (9 vols., 1885). In 1804
appeared a "Collection of Facts and Documents relative to the Death of
Major-General Alexander Hamilton," by
William Coleman. The same year his "Life" was
published in Boston by John Williams, under the pen-name "Anthony
Pasquin," a reprint of which has
been issued by the Hamilton club (New York, 1865). A "Life
of Alexander Hamilton" (2 vols.,
1834-'40) was published by his son, John Church, who also compiled an elaborate
work entitled "History of the
Republic of the United States, as traced in the Writings of Alexander Hamilton
and his Contemporaries," the
first volume of which contains a sketch of his father's career (1850-'8). See
also his "Life" by
Henry B. Renwick (1841); "Life and
Times of Alexander Hamilton," by
Samuel M. Smucker (Boston, 1856);"Hamilton and his Contemporaries," by
Christopher J. Riethmueller (1864); "Life
of Hamilton," by John T. Morse,
Jr. (1876);" Hamilton, a Historical Study," by
George Shea (New York, 1877); "Life
and Epoch of Alexander Hamilton," by
the same author (Boston, 1879)" and "Life
of Hamilton," by Henry Cabot
Lodge (American statesmen series, 1882). A list of the books written by or
relating to Hamilton has been published under the title of "Bibliotheca
Hamiltonia" by Paul L. Ford (New York, 1886). --His wife, Elizabeth, daughter of
General Philip Schuyler, born in Albany, New York, 9 August, 1757; died in
Washington, D. C., 9 November, 1854. At the time of their marriage Hamilton was
one of General Washington's aides, with the rank of lieutenant colonel. She
rendered assistance to her husband in his labors, counselled him in his affairs,
and kept his papers in order for him, preserving the large collection of
manuscripts, which was acquired by the United States government in 1849, and has
been utilized by the biographers of Alexander Hamilton and by historians, who
have traced by their light the secret and personal influences that decided many
public events between 1775 and 1804. The accompanying portrait of Mrs. Hamilton,
painted by James Earle, represents her at the age of twenty-seven.
--Their son, Philip
Hamilton, born 22 January, 1782, was graduated at Columbia in 1800, and
died of a wound received in a duel 24 November, 1801, on the same spot where his
father fell three years later. The young man, who showed much promise, became
involved in a political quartel, and was challenged by his antagonist, whose
name was Eckert. After the affair the father regarded with abhorrence the
practice of duelling. He recorded his condemnation in a paper, written before
going to the fatal meeting with Burr.
--Another son, Alexander Hamilton,
soldier, born in New York city, 16 May, 1786; died there, 2 August, 1875, was
graduated at Columbia in 1804, studied law, and was admitted to practice. He
went abroad, and was with the Duke of Wellington's army in Portugal in 1811, but
returned on hearing rumors of impending war with Great Britain. He was appointed
captain of United States infantry in August, 1813, and acted as aide-de-camp to
General Morgan Lewis in 1814. In 1822 he was appointed United States district
attorney in Florida, and in 1823 one of the three Florida land-commissioners.
His last years were passed in New Brunswick, New Jersey, and in New York city,
where he engaged in real estate speculations.
--Another son, James Alexander
Hamilton, lawyer, born in New York city, 14 April, 1788; died in Irvington, New
York, 24 September, 1878, was graduated at Columbia in 1805. He served in the
war of 1812-'15 as brigade major and inspector in the New York state militia,
and afterward practiced law. He was acting secretary of state under President
Jackson in 1829, being appointed ad interim on 4 March, but surrendering the
office on the regular appointment of Martin Van Buren, two days later. On 3
April he was nominated United States district attorney for the southern district
of New York. The degree of LL.D. was conferred upon him by Hamilton college, he
published "Reminiscences of
Hamilton, or Men and Events, at Home and Abroad, during Three Quarters of a
Century" (New York, 1869).-
Another son, John Church Hamilton,
lawyer, born in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, 22 August, 1792; died in Long
Branch, New Jersey, 25 July, 1882, was graduated at Columbia in 1809. He studied
law, and practiced in New York city. He was commissioned a lieutenant in the
United States army in March, 1814, and served as aide-de-camp to General
Harrison, bug resigned on 11 June, 1814. He spent many years in preparing
memoirs of his father, and editing the latter's works.
--Another son, William Steven
Hamilton, born in New York city, 4 August, 1797; died in Sacramento, California,
7 August, 1850, entered the United States military academy in 1814, but left
before his graduation. He was appointed United States surveyor of public lands
in Illinois, and served as a colonel of Illinois volunteers in the Black Hawk
war, commanding a reconnoitering party under General Atkinson in 1832. He held
various offices, removed to Wisconsin, and thence to California.
--The youngest son, Philip
Hamilton, jurist, born in New York city, 1 June, 1802; died in Poughkeepsie, New
York, 9 July, 1884, married a daughter of Louis McLane. He was assistant
district attorney in New York city, and for some time judge-advocate of the
naval retiring board in Brooklyn.
-Schuyler Hamilton, soldier, son of
John Church Hamilton, born in New York city, 25 July, 1822, was graduated at the
United States military academy in 1841, entered the 1st infantry, and was on
duty on the plains and as assistant instructor of tactics at West Point. He
served with honor in the Mexican war, being brevetted for gallantry at Monterey,
and again for his brave conduct in an affair at Nil Flores, where he was
attacked by a superior force of Mexican lancers, and was severely wounded in a
desperate hand-to-hand combat. From 1847 till 1854 he served as aide-de-camp to
General Winfield Scott. At the beginning of the civil war he volunteered as a
private in the 7th New York regiment, and was attached to the staff of General
Benjamin F. Butler, and then acted as military secretary to General Scott until
the retirement of the latter.
He next served as assistant chief
of staff to General Henry W. Halleck, at St. Louis, Missouri, with the rank of
colonel, he was commissioned brigadier-general of volunteer's on 12 November,
1861, and ordered to command the department of St. Louis. He participated in the
important operations of the armies of the Tennessee and of the Cumberland, was
the first to suggest the cutting of a canal to turn the enemy's position at
Island No. 10, and commanded a division in the operations against that island
and New Madrid, for which he was made a major-general on 17 September, 1862. At
the battle of Farmington he commanded the reserve. On 27 February, 1863, he was
compelled by feeble health to resign. From 1871 till 1875 he filled the post of
hydrographic engineer for the department of docks in New York city. He is the
author of a "History of the National Flag of the United States" (New York,
1852), and on 14 June, 1877, the centennial anniversary of its adoption,
delivered an address on "Our National Flag."
--Allan McLane Hamilton, physician,
son of Philip, born in Brooklyn, New York, 6 October, 1848, was graduated at the
College of physicians and surgeons in New York city in 1870, and practiced in
that city, devoting his attention to nervous diseases. He invented a dynamometer
in 1874, and was one of the first to practice galvano-cautery in the United
States, and the first to employ monobromate of camphor in treating delirium
tremens and nitro-glycerine in epilepsy. He had charge in 1872-'3 of the New
York state hospital for diseases of the nervous system, afterward became
visiting physician to the epileptic and paralytic hospital. On Blackwell's
island, New York city, and lectured on nervous diseases in the Long Island
college hospital. In the trial of President Garfield's assassin he testified as
an expert in behalf of the government. He edited in 1875 the "American
Psychological Journal," is the author of a work on" Clinical
Electro-Therapeutics" (New York, 1873), and also of textbooks on "Nervous
Diseases" (1878-'81), and "Medical Jurisprudence" (1887), and has published in
professional journals articles on epilepsy, sensory epilepsy, ascending general
paresis, tremors, and incoordination, --
Edited Appletons Encyclopedia,
Continental Congress of the United Colonies Presidents
Hosted by The New Orleans Jazz Museum and The Louisiana Historical Center
A Non-profit Corporation
202-239-1774 | Office
202-239-0037 | FAX
Dr. Naomi and Stanley Yavneh Klos, Principals
The Congressional Evolution of the United States of America
Continental Congress of the United Colonies Presidents
Sept. 5, 1774 to July 1, 1776
September 5, 1774
|
October 22, 1774
| |
October 22, 1774
|
October 26, 1774
| |
May 20, 1775
|
May 24, 1775
| |
May 25, 1775
|
July 1, 1776
|
Commander-in-Chief United Colonies & States of America
George Washington: June 15, 1775 - December 23, 1783
Continental Congress of the United States Presidents
July 2, 1776 to February 28, 1781
July 2, 1776
|
October 29, 1777
| |
November 1, 1777
|
December 9, 1778
| |
December 10, 1778
|
September 28, 1779
| |
September 29, 1779
|
February 28, 1781
|
Presidents of the United States in Congress Assembled
March 1, 1781 to March 3, 1789
March 1, 1781
|
July 6, 1781
| |
July 10, 1781
|
Declined Office
| |
July 10, 1781
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November 4, 1781
| |
November 5, 1781
|
November 3, 1782
| |
November 4, 1782
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November 2, 1783
| |
November 3, 1783
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June 3, 1784
| |
November 30, 1784
|
November 22, 1785
| |
November 23, 1785
|
June 5, 1786
| |
June 6, 1786
|
February 1, 1787
| |
February 2, 1787
|
January 21, 1788
| |
January 22, 1788
|
January 21, 1789
|
Presidents of the United States of America
D-Democratic Party, F-Federalist Party, I-Independent, R-Republican Party, R* Republican Party of Jefferson & W-Whig Party
(1789-1797)
|
(1933-1945)
| |
(1865-1869)
| ||
(1797-1801)
|
(1945-1953)
| |
(1869-1877)
| ||
(1801-1809)
|
(1953-1961)
| |
(1877-1881)
| ||
(1809-1817)
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(1961-1963)
| |
(1881 - 1881)
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(1817-1825)
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(1963-1969)
| |
(1881-1885)
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(1825-1829)
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(1969-1974)
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(1885-1889)
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(1829-1837)
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(1973-1974)
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(1889-1893)
| ||
(1837-1841)
|
(1977-1981)
| |
(1893-1897)
| ||
(1841-1841)
|
(1981-1989)
| |
(1897-1901)
| ||
(1841-1845)
|
(1989-1993)
| |
(1901-1909)
| ||
(1845-1849)
|
(1993-2001)
| |
(1909-1913)
| ||
(1849-1850)
|
(2001-2009)
| |
(1913-1921)
| ||
(1850-1853)
|
(2009-2017)
| |
(1921-1923)
| ||
(1853-1857)
|
(20017-Present)
| |
(1923-1929)
|
*Confederate States of America
| |
(1857-1861)
| ||
(1929-1933)
| ||
(1861-1865)
|
United Colonies Continental Congress
|
President
|
18th Century Term
|
Age
|
Elizabeth "Betty" Harrison Randolph (1745-1783)
|
09/05/74 – 10/22/74
|
29
| |
Mary Williams Middleton (1741- 1761) Deceased
|
Henry Middleton
|
10/22–26/74
|
n/a
|
Elizabeth "Betty" Harrison Randolph (1745–1783)
|
05/20/ 75 - 05/24/75
|
30
| |
Dorothy Quincy Hancock Scott (1747-1830)
|
05/25/75 – 07/01/76
|
28
| |
United States Continental Congress
|
President
|
Term
|
Age
|
Dorothy Quincy Hancock Scott (1747-1830)
|
07/02/76 – 10/29/77
|
29
| |
Eleanor Ball Laurens (1731- 1770) Deceased
|
Henry Laurens
|
11/01/77 – 12/09/78
|
n/a
|
Sarah Livingston Jay (1756-1802)
|
12/ 10/78 – 09/28/78
|
21
| |
Martha Huntington (1738/39–1794)
|
09/29/79 – 02/28/81
|
41
| |
United States in Congress Assembled
|
President
|
Term
|
Age
|
Martha Huntington (1738/39–1794)
|
03/01/81 – 07/06/81
|
42
| |
Sarah Armitage McKean (1756-1820)
|
07/10/81 – 11/04/81
|
25
| |
Jane Contee Hanson (1726-1812)
|
11/05/81 - 11/03/82
|
55
| |
Hannah Stockton Boudinot (1736-1808)
|
11/03/82 - 11/02/83
|
46
| |
Sarah Morris Mifflin (1747-1790)
|
11/03/83 - 11/02/84
|
36
| |
Anne Gaskins Pinkard Lee (1738-1796)
|
11/20/84 - 11/19/85
|
46
| |
Dorothy Quincy Hancock Scott (1747-1830)
|
11/23/85 – 06/06/86
|
38
| |
Rebecca Call Gorham (1744-1812)
|
06/06/86 - 02/01/87
|
42
| |
Phoebe Bayard St. Clair (1743-1818)
|
02/02/87 - 01/21/88
|
43
| |
Christina Stuart Griffin (1751-1807)
|
01/22/88 - 01/29/89
|
36
|
Constitution of 1787
First Ladies |
President
|
Term
|
Age
|
April 30, 1789 – March 4, 1797
|
57
| ||
March 4, 1797 – March 4, 1801
|
52
| ||
Martha Wayles Jefferson Deceased
|
September 6, 1782 (Aged 33)
|
n/a
| |
March 4, 1809 – March 4, 1817
|
40
| ||
March 4, 1817 – March 4, 1825
|
48
| ||
March 4, 1825 – March 4, 1829
|
50
| ||
December 22, 1828 (aged 61)
|
n/a
| ||
February 5, 1819 (aged 35)
|
n/a
| ||
March 4, 1841 – April 4, 1841
|
65
| ||
April 4, 1841 – September 10, 1842
|
50
| ||
June 26, 1844 – March 4, 1845
|
23
| ||
March 4, 1845 – March 4, 1849
|
41
| ||
March 4, 1849 – July 9, 1850
|
60
| ||
July 9, 1850 – March 4, 1853
|
52
| ||
March 4, 1853 – March 4, 1857
|
46
| ||
n/a
|
n/a
| ||
March 4, 1861 – April 15, 1865
|
42
| ||
February 22, 1862 – May 10, 1865
| |||
April 15, 1865 – March 4, 1869
|
54
| ||
March 4, 1869 – March 4, 1877
|
43
| ||
March 4, 1877 – March 4, 1881
|
45
| ||
March 4, 1881 – September 19, 1881
|
48
| ||
January 12, 1880 (Aged 43)
|
n/a
| ||
June 2, 1886 – March 4, 1889
|
21
| ||
March 4, 1889 – October 25, 1892
|
56
| ||
June 2, 1886 – March 4, 1889
|
28
| ||
March 4, 1897 – September 14, 1901
|
49
| ||
September 14, 1901 – March 4, 1909
|
40
| ||
March 4, 1909 – March 4, 1913
|
47
| ||
March 4, 1913 – August 6, 1914
|
52
| ||
December 18, 1915 – March 4, 1921
|
43
| ||
March 4, 1921 – August 2, 1923
|
60
| ||
August 2, 1923 – March 4, 1929
|
44
| ||
March 4, 1929 – March 4, 1933
|
54
| ||
March 4, 1933 – April 12, 1945
|
48
| ||
April 12, 1945 – January 20, 1953
|
60
| ||
January 20, 1953 – January 20, 1961
|
56
| ||
January 20, 1961 – November 22, 1963
|
31
| ||
November 22, 1963 – January 20, 1969
|
50
| ||
January 20, 1969 – August 9, 1974
|
56
| ||
August 9, 1974 – January 20, 1977
|
56
| ||
January 20, 1977 – January 20, 1981
|
49
| ||
January 20, 1981 – January 20, 1989
|
59
| ||
January 20, 1989 – January 20, 1993
|
63
| ||
January 20, 1993 – January 20, 2001
|
45
| ||
January 20, 2001 – January 20, 2009
|
54
| ||
January 20, 2009 to date
|
45
|
Capitals of the United Colonies and States of America
Philadelphia
|
Sept. 5, 1774 to Oct. 24, 1774
| |
Philadelphia
|
May 10, 1775 to Dec. 12, 1776
| |
Baltimore
|
Dec. 20, 1776 to Feb. 27, 1777
| |
Philadelphia
|
March 4, 1777 to Sept. 18, 1777
| |
Lancaster
|
September 27, 1777
| |
York
|
Sept. 30, 1777 to June 27, 1778
| |
Philadelphia
|
July 2, 1778 to June 21, 1783
| |
Princeton
|
June 30, 1783 to Nov. 4, 1783
| |
Annapolis
|
Nov. 26, 1783 to Aug. 19, 1784
| |
Trenton
|
Nov. 1, 1784 to Dec. 24, 1784
| |
New York City
|
Jan. 11, 1785 to Nov. 13, 1788
| |
New York City
|
October 6, 1788 to March 3,1789
| |
New York City
|
March 3,1789 to August 12, 1790
| |
Philadelphia
|
Dec. 6,1790 to May 14, 1800
| |
Washington DC
|
November 17,1800 to Present
|
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The United Colonies of North America Continental Congress Presidents (1774-1776)
The United States of America Continental Congress Presidents (1776-1781)
The United States of America in Congress Assembled Presidents (1781-1789)
The United States of America Presidents and Commanders-in-Chiefs (1789-Present)
The United States of America Continental Congress Presidents (1776-1781)
The United States of America in Congress Assembled Presidents (1781-1789)
The United States of America Presidents and Commanders-in-Chiefs (1789-Present)